Visit to Charismatic Sacred place

If Charismatic Sacred places house Sacredness Generators that facilitate experiences of the Sacred for their visitors, as posited in this work, a pertinent question emerges: why do some visitors assert their inability to perceive what Otto and others characterize as an experience of the Sacred, while others do? The explanation lies in the personality structure of the individual visitor, their current state, and the dynamics between the visitor, the location, and the visitation process itself, namely what transpires and unfolds during the encounter.

In the following chapter, we will initially explore the personality differences between those predisposed to experiencing the Sacred during a visit to a Charismatic Sacred place and those who are not. This division is not strictly binary; every individual possesses the innate potential to sense the Sacred, much like the capacity to be stirred by music or appreciate art, though not everyone realizes this potential in practice. In essence, everyone is influenced in some way by visiting Charismatic Sacred places, if only due to the interaction between a person and a place and the sensory and visual stimuli these locations provide. However, not every sensory experience is translated into a full experience of the Sacred.

After distinguishing between the various types of visitors, we will delve into understanding the detailed processes they undergo during a visit to a Charismatic Sacred place. We will examine which actions taken or not taken during the visit contribute to eliciting an experience of the Sacred in those who are receptive to it. This includes exploring the significance of the visit’s background, the path taken, the narrative surrounding the visit, and more. We aim to clarify everything that may assist or impede the Sacredness Generators in initiating a process of internal change and an experience of the Sacred in the person visiting the Sacred place.

Visitors Characterization

People most likely to have an Inner Religious experience during a visit to a Charismatic Sacred place are generally those predisposed to such experiences. The primary question is: how common are these experiences? Citing a survey by David Hay, noted by Beit Hallahmi and Argyle[1], 29% of young people and 47% of those aged 60 and over have reported having an Inner Religious experience. Other surveys paint a similar picture. These findings align with Maslow’s observations of an increased occurrence of plateau experiences among older adults[2], and his hierarchy of needs which suggests that the pursuit of mental and spiritual fulfilment follows the satisfaction of physical and social needs, though not necessarily in a linear or continuous manner[3]. Overall, the data suggest that Inner Religious experiences are quite common among both young and older adults, including those who are not religious and may not believe in God. This doesn’t imply that others do not experience the Sacred, but rather that the recognition and impact of experiencing the Sacred as such might not be present.

It should be noted that there is a discrepancy between the number of people who report having an Inner Religious experience and those who actually experience it. This gap arises from the definition of what constitutes an Inner Religious experience and the inaccuracies in how it is reported in various surveys. Nevertheless, the high percentages of individuals who report such experiences, along with the descriptions found across all cultures and religions, indicate that this is a fundamental human experience that manifests within individuals.

Another question concerns whether the Religious experience in a Charismatic Sacred place occurs when the person is alone, in a small, intimate group, or within a large crowd. Beit Hallahmi and Argyle highlight the need to differentiate between an Inner Religious experience that happens in solitude and one that occurs in the presence of others, sometimes as part of a religious ceremony or event[4]. Historically, it was believed that most Inner Religious experiences take place in solitude, and indeed, in Hay’s survey, 61% of respondents reported being alone during their experience, while only 7% were in the company of others[5]. However, recent studies suggest that there is a type of Religious experience that is facilitated by being in a crowd.

Beit Hallahmi and Argyle argue that the social significance of the Religious experience is often underestimated[6]. They emphasize its positive social role, its capacity to bolster ego and self-confidence, and its contribution to a sense of unity with others, referring particularly to social altruism. According to them, groups play a significant role in facilitating the Religious experience. However, it seems they are describing a different type of experience—one of connection, love, and a sense of oneness, as indicated in their references to the immanent experience. In this work, I have chosen to focus specifically on the unique Inner Religious experience between an individual and their God. It is possible that being in a group can contribute to this, but not through ecstasy or vigorous activity; rather, through shared meditation or communal prayer.

Assuming the Inner Religious experience is indeed unique, one might wonder about the traits of individuals who are more inclined to have such experiences. Beit Hallahmi and Argyle suggest that psychologically, there is a correlation between those who undergo Inner Religious experiences and those who are receptive to unconscious and illogical experiences. These individuals often score high on the test developed by Australian psychology professor Ronald Taft, known as Taft’s scale of Ego Permissiveness, which assesses openness to experiences, including those that are unconscious and illogical[7]. This does not imply that those who have Inner Religious experiences possess weak personality structures; quite the contrary. Hood found that such individuals typically exhibit strong egos. That is, the capacity to surrender one’s ego within the Inner Religious experience and to merge into something greater requires both strength and mental health[8]. Moreover, those who have had an Inner Religious experience tend to be open to the unknown and the unknowable. Their ability to relinquish control and entrust power to another force (God) facilitates a transformative process, as described by James[9].

Charles Daniel Batson and his colleagues discovered that individuals who reported an Inner Religious experience scored higher on the Repression-Sensitization scale, indicating a greater openness to the unusual, including its potentially threatening aspects of reality[10]. However, it is crucial to differentiate between an Inner Religious experience and a super sensory experience. In a study by Robert Wuthnow, it was found that many among the poor and oppressed who experienced super sensory phenomena such as déjà vu did not interpret these as Religious experiences. For a super sensible experience to be categorized as a Religious experience, it must occur among those who are more affluent and generally content with their lives. Thus, the Inner Religious experience is associated with positive life affects and a sense of life satisfaction^[11]. This aligns with Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory, which posits that once basic needs are met, individuals can reach the pyramid’s apex—the desire for peak experiences. To a large extent, an Inner Religious experience is a type of peak experience, akin to those found in aesthetic appreciation and the experience of nature’s beauty[12]. It is essential to note that the Inner Religious experience is not necessarily interpreted within a conventional religious framework; hence, for the purposes of this work, it is defined as a feeling of inclusion in something larger, benevolent, and meaningful.

Sometimes, the Inner Religious experience is embedded within other experiences, including those that align closely with definitions of religion and spirituality, as well as those related to interactions with nature, music, aesthetics, and similar realms. According to a 1987 survey by Hay and Child, reported by Beit Hallahmi and Argyle, 27% of respondents felt the presence of God, but only 80% of them interpreted this sensation in a religious context. Additionally, 22% acknowledged the presence of some sort of guide (not necessarily God), yet only 58% of these individuals regarded this as an Inner Religious experience. This suggests that the perception and interpretation of what constitutes an Inner Religious experience can vary significantly among individuals, often depending on their personal beliefs and the context of the experience[13].

Many people report life-changing, sublime, and uplifting experiences in various, distinct, and refined domains of human experience. Greeley noted that 45% of the population perceives the beauty of nature as something transformative and deeply moving[14], yet Hay and Child report that only 16% sense the presence of the Sacred in nature, with just 61% of those interpreting it as an Inner Religious experience[15]. In other words, Sublime Extraordinary experiences and life’s profundities are not always viewed as religious, even though, according to classic definitions of the Sacred by Otto and others, they are. This is often a matter of interpretation and terminology. The understanding of the Sacred—and consequently, the associated religiosity—varies based on educational and cultural backgrounds, explaining the shifts in the percentages of people reporting an Inner Religious experience over different years and the discrepancy between “religious” and secular groups.

Apparently, those who have a peak experience in nature or through art report it as an Inner Religious experience in times that promote this type of discourse, but they do not regard the experience as an Inner Religious experience in a society that favours secularism. Therefore, the boundaries between peak experience and Inner Religious experience become blurred. In fact, Abraham Maslow, who coined these terms, connected the two, as clearly indicated in the title of his book (Religions, Values, and Peak-Experiences) and in the examples he provides.[16]

Many report supernatural experiences, such as synchronicity, the presence of someone deceased, and even encounters with evil, but only a third are willing to label these as an Inner Religious experience in studies[17]. Thus, education and culture significantly influence the likelihood of a positive response in research questionnaires. This aligns with Eliade’s assertion that while structures of the Sacred have permeated secular culture, they have not vanished[18]. Interestingly, it appears that agnostics and atheists also have Inner Religious experiences; they simply refer to them by different names.

At the same time, Specific kind of Religious education, often leads to a more precise identification of the experience of presence as an Inner Religious experience. When such experiences are referenced, particularly in cultures where they are encouraged—such as nirvana in Buddhism—the frequency of these labelling them as Inner Religious experiences increases. This is not merely due to cultural acceptance or a desire to conform, but rather a permission that liberates thought and removes barriers[19]. Consequently, the “pure” Inner Religious experience is more commonly reported among those who practice a certain type of religion (inner religion), especially members of marginal religious groups. Thus, a religious individual, particularly one inclined towards internal religiosity, is more likely to have a “pure” Inner Religious experience in the same situation than either a “normative” religious person or a staunchly secular individual.

The Inner Religious experience is often triggered by stimuli found in Charismatic Sacred places. Beit Hallahmi and Argyle reference an experiment involving hallucinogenic mushrooms (the Pahnke Experiment of 1966), which resulted in mystical experiences. This experiment highlights that religious arousal can be induced by non-verbal cues such as the ringing of a bell, the scent of incense, religious singing and music, the sounds of prayer, coloured windows, candles, the darkness, pointed structures reaching towards the sky (as seen in Gothic architecture), designated Sacred areas, altars, or crosses. The distinctive smell of religious places also plays a crucial role[20]. This underscores the importance of Sacredness Generators in evoking the Inner Religious experience.

However, just as training in music is required to fully appreciate classical music—both to train the ear and to discern subtleties—and just as training in art is necessary to enjoy and have an aesthetic experience, so too is training in the Inner Religious experience required. Acquiring a framework of concepts and references is essential to fully experience the Sacred. In the high and refined realm of human perception, training, familiarity, and access are significant. This does not imply that the Inner Religious experience cannot occur spontaneously and immediately, as it often does in “primitive” societies, but even in such cases, training of a different sort, perhaps less visible from the outside, has likely preceded the experience.

We can conclude that the experience of the Sacred is attained through active effort, but once achieved, it manifests similarly across all individuals, regardless of their background, because it taps into a natural human capability that lies at the core of our perception of reality. Certain physical external factors, which I termed “Sacredness Generators”, assist both consciously and unconsciously in this active endeavour. The capacity to experience the Sacred develops within a person as they mature, akin to the growth of wisdom and an inner moral sense. Although the numinous can sometimes spontaneously emerge from the depths of the subconscious, imposing itself upon an individual, it still requires a conduit for expression, which often relies on acquired skills. These skills might be present instinctively as natural talents, but for their full potential to be realized, they must undergo processes of learning and continual nourishment from the right environment, and they are either supported or hindered by the society and culture surrounding the individual.

The experience of the Sacred begins with an active effort by the individual, influenced by their openness and conceptual framework, yet the experience itself has a passive component, occurring upon the individual. This dynamic can be likened to a two-way flow process in which the individual orients toward the Sacred and strives to connect with it, thereby eliciting a response. On the other side, the Sacred (the subconscious) moves toward the individual, culminating in the eruption of the Numen, which can be surprising, sometimes frightening, yet also enchanting and marvellous. Once this occurs, there is a need for the capacity to contain and accept the experience.

The Visit Process

For those who have had it, the Inner Religious experience is a connection with an enormous power, a being often identified as God[21]. It instils a sense of the unity of creation, joy, generosity, and love. It is an experience of eternity, transcending time. Those who undergo this experience often believe they are in contact with a type of being. However, some researchers, like Beit Hallahmi and Argyle, emphasize the role of educational and cultural background in shaping these experiences. According to them, while the potential for an Inner Religious experience is universal, the specific nature and frequency of these experiences can be expected to vary according to cultural and societal contexts.

Furthering this discussion, it can be argued that culture and faith shape the experience of visiting a Sacred place. Accordingly, the Western Wall may profoundly impact Jews, particularly religious Jews, while for Christians, a visit to the Wall might not hold the same significance. However, Christians, and even secular individuals, sometimes report experiencing the Sacred at the Western Wall, just as Jews might feel a Sacred presence when visiting churches. My fundamental argument is that if we were to relocate the area of the Western Wall to India, designating it as a Hindu Sacred site, the inherent qualities of the site itself would still affect visitors. Some might experience a sense of sanctity there, because there are Sacredness Generators at the Western Wall plaza, most of which were integrated there unconsciously.

Even today, some visitors to the Western Wall Square may encounter the Sacred. To fully understand the relationship between an individual and this Sacred site, consider a visitor who is detached from traditional and routine acts of worship, such as placing Tefillin or following a prescribed prayer book. Instead, imagine a visitor navigating the space independently and freely. The experience of the Sacred in this context touches on multiple disciplines: it engages anthropology, influences social structures, is interpreted through the theology of religion, relates to personal perception, draws upon historical narratives, and manifests in psychological terms. Ultimately, however, the experience exists as a standalone phenomenon, reflecting a natural human ability to perceive the Sacred.

The best analogy for understanding this might be aesthetic ability—the capacity to recognize, enjoy, and be enriched and inspired by art. The artistic experience closely mirrors the mystical experience, often intertwined with profound religious emotion. Although beauty is famously subjective, “in the eye of the beholder,” certain universal principles of proportions, colors, and perspective allow for the determination that something is beautiful or aesthetically pleasing. This relates to the functioning of the senses and cognition, and holds true across cultures, whether for someone of Chinese descent or a white person. Ultimately, while beauty cannot be quantified or rigidly defined, it thrives under optimal conditions that allow for its full expression.

The experience of the Sacred is catalyzed by visiting a Sacred place and is facilitated by the Sacredness Generators embedded within the site itself. However, the mere presence of these Generators isn’t sufficient; an activating process is also necessary, which often occurs spontaneously due to the layout and atmosphere of the place. The Sacred exists on a fundamentally different level, requiring effort to access and truly experience it. This is why the Sacred is not automatically perceived by all visitors to Sacred sites, even though these sites possess characteristics designed to evoke feelings of the Sacred. Additionally, even within the same individual, there can be moments of disconnection from the Sacred and moments of deep connection.

The effort required to reach the Sacred can indeed be likened to the process of pilgrimage: in earlier times, when pilgrims primarily travelled on foot or by horse, they often arrived at Sacred sites well-prepared, or “cooked,” ready to sense what the structure and arrangement of the place intended to awaken within them. This preparedness also extended to the mana generated by the presence of holy relics or the cumulative spiritual energy from previous pilgrims. The pilgrimage process itself facilitated their experience of the Sacred, allowing them to be more receptive to its influence. Unfortunately, the scope of this discussion is too short to delve deeper into this topic.

This also underscores why the science of religions cannot be confined within the framework of other sciences like anthropology, sociology, history, and theology alone. Before one can truly understand it, a process leading to the experience of the Sacred must occur. Rudolf Otto exemplified this approach during his travels around the world, notably in the Middle East and India, where he encountered the Sacred first-hand. His insights were not derived deductively or inductively from desk work at home (similarly to Mircea Eliade). Otto established the principle that the Sacred can only be fully explored through the experience of the Sacred itself, emphasizing the necessity of direct engagement over theoretical study[22].

The visitor’s experience of the Sacred in Charismatic Sacred places is facilitated by the design of these sites, which are crafted to activate the visitor unconsciously. These places incorporate elements like a Unifying Duality that engage our perceptual patterns. Through this activity, intense emotions connected to the religious realm are evoked, such as the “happiness of dwelling in Numen” or the “fear of approaching the holy.” These experiences prompt the visitor to undergo a “conversion” process, which involves renouncing the ego and merging with something greater than oneself.

In other words, the processes that facilitate connection to the Sacred are supported by the structure of the place, its location, its complexity, its integration with the environment, and its art. Additionally, physical actions required during the visit, particularly the act of visiting itself, play a crucial role, especially since Charismatic Sacred places tend to be expansive and intricate. It’s crucial that there is a phase of accessing the site, with the final approach ideally being made on foot in a free and spontaneous manner. Moreover, the visit should include a clear transition from the profane to the holy, creating a physical and symbolic threshold. During the visit, there should be quiet spaces and times designated to establish contact with the Numen. This connection may be further facilitated by personal acts such as prayer, supplication, and requests, but also through movement and sound. These elements combine to create a conducive environment for experiencing the Sacred.

The Emotional Affect

If a Charismatic Sacred place does impact some of its visitors, enabling them to experience the Sacred with the aid of Sacredness Generators, this should manifest not only in a shift in their state of awareness—such as expanded consciousness and heightened attention to detail—but also in their emotional state, as noted by Setes and Greeley among the characteristics of the Sacred experience[23]. Therefore, it’s important to delve deeper into the topic of emotional response and the link between the experience of the Sacred and the creation of a psychological affect. This affect involves changes in physiological, emotional, and mental states following a patterned reaction. A prime example of such an impact is the encounter with a loved one, which triggers a comprehensive systemic response. It’s worth considering whether a similar overarching response occurs during an encounter with a Charismatic Sacred place. Some theories in the science of religions suggest that Sacred places and the experience of the Sacred induce in us an anamnesis—a recalling of an ideal and harmonious existence from our past. This points to the profound emotional and psychological transformations that can occur within these spiritually resonant environments[24].

According to Paul Ekman, emotional responses can be categorized as either immediate or slow. The slow response arises from processing and cognitive thought, whereas the immediate response is much quicker, occurring subconsciously, driven by emotions that flutter according to universal psychobiological principles[25]. Joan and Neville Symington, drawing on Ekman’s work, suggest that certain events universally trigger these psychobiological emotions. For instance, the loss of a loved one universally leads to grief across all cultures. While the expression of grief may vary slightly from culture to culture, the fundamental emotion of grief is quickly learned and is predicated on a biologically prepared pathway within the individual. Emotions are guided by universal cues, involve distinct physiological reactions, and are shaped by automatic evaluations that draw upon both current stimuli and inherited traits. They are also influenced by how past events have been grouped and interpreted in the mind[26].

Joan and Neville Symington further elaborate that for an emotion to be released, it requires a “container” capable of holding it, typically provided by parents or a caregiver. If the emotion remains trapped, protective mechanisms may arise to encase it. In this context, active religious belief—such as talking to God in the forest or praying to Jesus or Muhammad for help—acts as a kind of emotional container. This container allows for the processing and eventual release of the emotion, facilitating recovery and liberation. Thus, a place can also serve as a container. Emotions often originate from bodily sensations—such as warmth or chill, comfort or discomfort—that are closely linked to the environment. In a metaphorical sense, a place can be likened to a womb, providing a nurturing space or container in which emotional and spiritual growth can occur. This concept underscores the profound psychological and emotional connections people can form with Sacred spaces, which not only hold but also shape their emotional experiences[27].

According to Joan and Neville Symington, emotions are fleeting, existing only for moments, but with the appropriate container, they can surface repeatedly in the same manner, like waves. Each wave occurs swiftly within a person, allowing the emotion to persist unnoticed in terms of its frequency. Emotions influence us both physiologically and cognitively[28], leading us to conclude that the Sacredness Generators in Sacred places evoke universal feelings within us, and the existence of these Generators within our perception enable these feelings to emerge. The emotions that arise impose themselves on us unwittingly, prompting both physical and mental changes. Given that emotions are universal (according to the theories of Ekman and Joan and Neville Symington), the impact of a Sacred place on its visitors is, to some extent, objective and not merely subjective or culturally dependent.

Thomas Barrie’s observations on the influence of Sacred architecture support the theories of Joan and Neville Symington. He emphasizes that empathy is crucial in the environmental perception, as individuals emotionally react to objects, images, or spaces[29]. Experiencing Sacred architecture transports a person into a different setting, where the senses are engaged by complex mirrors and rich surface textures, underscoring that Sacred places are highly sensual. These places involve the individual, grounding them in the present, and readying them for external connections. However, the impact of the myriad stimuli in a Sacred place differs from that in a market, for instance. The key difference lies in how the sensory connects to the symbolic and is vivified through ritual, thereby creating a comprehensive emotional affect oriented towards the Sacred.

According to psychologist Lionel Corbett, who builds on Jung’s ideas, the numinous announces its presence through overwhelming emotional activation, a concept aligned with what is known in contemporary psychology as Affect Theory[30]. Developed by American Psychologist Sylvan Tomkins (1911-1991), Affect Theory posits that individuals possess innate traits activated by external stimuli, triggering a sequence of internal events[31]. Tomkins argues that certain stimuli evoke emotions that produce characteristic bodily responses. These are not simple one-dimensional stimuli; rather, they are real experiences that, through their articulation, impact the listener—this impact substantiates their validity and differentiates them from schizophrenic experiences. This dynamic underlies the success of Christianity, which effectively generates feelings of joy, peace, and blessing while mitigating fear, anger, and jealousy.

According to Corbett, the numinous creates an impression of a conscious Affect that surprises and alters a person’s worldview[32]. Drawing from this idea, a Sacred place, particularly one with an associated story, can profoundly impact a person emotionally. The Sacredness Generators, especially the Sublime Extraordinary, facilitate this impact. The sense of bewilderment and wonder, epitomized by the question “What is this?”, experienced at a special Sacred place, transforms the visitor’s state and, consequently, their perception of reality. The continuous interplay between external stimuli and internal reactions strengthens this connection with the Sacred. In this process, beauty plays a crucial role. During visits to Charismatic Sacred places, an interaction between the person and the place emerges. This interaction begins with an emotional impact from a stimulus created by the place, which is partly unconscious and can lead to an experience of the Sacred.

Sacred Site Religious Activities

For the Sacredness Generators to activate and facilitate a person’s encounter with the numinous, or the other plane, there must be interaction—a mutual action—between the visitor and the Sacred place itself. The experience of the Sacred is supported by Charismatic Sacred places and Sacredness Generators, but it isn’t necessarily constantly felt; rather, it typically occurs during special moments and depends on the process the visitor undergoes within that place. Certain processes aid in fostering this experience, while others do not. The appropriate processes enable the visitor to absorb the uniqueness of the place, its Unifying Duality, its fractal complexity, and to focus themselves in a manner that alters their emotions and perceptions, consequently transforming their inner state as well.

Sacred places engage visitors through various sensory activations, whether it’s through the stimulation of sound (music), visual beauty, smell, or touch, or through collective activities such as processions, prayers, and rituals, or personal interactions within the space. The encounter between a person and a place influences the individual’s state and heightens their awareness, thereby opening them up to a different type of engagement with the space they occupy. This interaction has an emotional impact, leading to intense emotions associated with the religious realm. The dialogue between a person and a place is closely linked to the process of the visit and the actions undertaken during it, and its outcomes can lead to a “conversion”—a relinquishment of the ego and a unification with something greater.

The structural features that facilitate this kind of dialogue include the presence of an access path or a walking route that traverses various parts of the site, with emphasized transitions between these different areas and between the interior and exterior spaces, such as a staircase linking different levels and a central focal point. These elements contribute to a fractal complexity and depth that emerge from exposure to the Sacredness Generator of the Sublime Extraordinary. The impact of noticing something unusual in the Sacred place—for instance, the size of the stones at the Wall—is significantly enhanced after a visitor has traversed a route and crossed some threshold, a process that prepares them differently than if they had simply encountered it abruptly. This dynamic is equally potent in the operation of the Sacredness Generators of Unifying Duality and the Connecting Center in enhancing the experience at Sacred places.

Additionally, specific gestures and actions performed during a visit contribute to initiating the experience of the Sacred. Actions such as circling the Sacred center, lighting candles, wearing or removing an item, maintaining silence, and pausing in front of Sacred objects, altars, or graves all play a role in awakening the sense of the Sacred. These actions resonate with perceptual archetypes ingrained within individuals, pulling them away from the homogeneous and amorphous plane of everyday existence to experience something distinct. However, these actions are most effective when the visit is free and spontaneous, rather than performed as part of fulfilling predetermined rules and obligations or a checklist. While it’s possible to infuse established rituals like prayer formulas with personal meaning, it’s crucial that these prayers emerge spontaneously, connecting deeply with the individual’s innermost being, rather than being merely recited outwardly.

One key element that facilitates the experience of the Sacred during a visit to a Sacred place is the story associated with it, along with the narrative of the visit itself: why is the visit being made? What do visitors tell themselves about the purpose of their visit and what occurs there? Certainly, practices such as prayer, worship, rituals, and various forms of devotion also play crucial roles in activating the Sacred place and fostering an experience of the Sacred. These elements, woven into the personal and collective narrative of the visit, significantly enhance the spiritual engagement and depth of the experience.

Narrative of the Visit

According to Eliade, the concept of Sacred space encompasses the notion of replicating the hierophany—an event through which the Sacred manifests—that originally sanctified that space, distinguishing it from the secular surroundings[33]. Therefore, the Sacred place is intertwined with the narrative of eternal return inherent in human consciousness; it does not exist independently[34]. Eliade posits that a Sacred place does not possess an ontological existence of its own but exists only within the context of this narrative.

The narrative is embedded in human perception, as it constructs it, and its patterns manifest through various stories. The narrative invariably overlays the existing reality, coloring it with the hues of its plot. Therefore, when visiting a Sacred place, there will always be a beginning, a middle, and an end; there will always be a journey and an arrival; there will always be Sacred and profane; and there will always be an obstacle and a hero. The external reality of the place will support the formation of these patterns if it contains Sacredness Generators.

In other words, the Sacred site possesses narrative value, which renders the visit akin to the hero’s journey template, as described in Joseph Campbell’s theories[35]. However, a Sacred place can encompass multiple narratives, and the journey—the visit to it—can take various forms. Gerardus van der Leeuw spoke about the hidden forces that seek revelation in the attributes of the Sacred. Thus, the hidden is unveiled during the visit, and this revelation awakens the feeling of the numinous[36].

When a person visits a place enriched with Generators of the Sacred, they are likely to construct a narrative in their mind influenced by these Generators. These narratives are shaped by archetypal patterns that universally resonate across various cultures and religions, often incorporating elements of fall and redemption, death and resurrection, journey, transition, change, stress, and completion. The presence of Sacredness Generators at a site acts as catalysts for these narratives, drawing on deep, universal human experiences and emotions. As visitors interact with these elements—be it through physical layout, symbolic objects, or ritualistic practices—they subconsciously connect with a shared heritage of symbolic meanings.

For instance, a common archetypal action in many Sacred sites is the act of passing under a low threshold that requires one to bend. This physical act can be interpreted as a symbol of submission and acceptance. The bending motion required to pass under such a threshold is not just a physical act; it carries with it a psychological and cultural significance that might harken back to deep ancestral memories or even primordial instincts. In bending, a visitor symbolically lowers themselves, which can be seen as an act of humility or deference to the Sacredness of the space. This action, though simple, triggers a profound internal and collective response, rooted in the subconscious.

In general, a visit to a Sacred place should be considered a kind of rite of passage. This transition is mirrored physically as one crosses a threshold, travels along an access road, and approaches the center. According to Beit Hallahmi and Argyle, rites of passage represent the points at which individuals encounter religion most directly. Life cycle transitions—from birth to death—imbue existence with meaning, comfort, and encouragement. Therefore, significant rites of passage correspond to key stages in life[37].

Charismatic Sacred places are designed not only to facilitate a physical journey from one place to another but also to foster a spiritual connection to the Sacred during the visit. This concept is embodied in the transitions between different parts of the site, the fractal complexity of the Sacred place, and the process through which it is revealed to the visitor. The revelation does not occur all at once; a path must be followed to truly access the Sacred. Arnold Van Gennep noted that rites of passage typically follow a three-stage route[38], an archetype that can also be observed in Sacred places: initially, the individual appears in their usual attire, representing their familiar self. In the second stage, they undergo a transformation—this might involve removing their clothes, secrets being revealed to them, and adopting behaviors that are unusual for them. In the final stage, they reemerge transformed, now wearing new attire and possibly accompanied by others, but as a person who has undergone a “conversion.” This transformation is then recognized by the communityץ

The transition between different stages during rites of passage is mirrored in the layout of the Sacred place and its division into various areas. The movement toward the center of a Charismatic Sacred place represents a mythical journey, akin to a hero’s journey, which precipitates change. This mythical perception is reinforced by the arrangement of the space and the symbolism embedded within it. For example, at the Western Wall plaza, a visitor might pass through a security checkpoint at the entrance, proceed through a public square, and enter the prayer plaza next to the Western Wall itself. At this stage, the visitor often changes attire, such as donning a cap or scarf, and engages in actions that are out of the ordinary, like placing a note in the wall crevices. Upon leaving, they depart as someone transformed.

It can be said that a visitor to the Western Wall, or to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Dome of the Rock, or any other Charismatic Sacred places mentioned in this book, undergoes a hero’s journey during their visit and leaves the place different from how they entered. Throughout the visit, and particularly through the mystical Inner Religious experience and contact with the holy, a sense of meaning emerges in the visitor, as described by Eliade[39] and Maslow[40]. This highlights the significance of the visit to the Sacred place in the visitor’s life, enriching their understanding and personal growth.

Passage rites and Conversion

Van der Leeuw (1890-1950), a significant theorist in the phenomenology of the Sacred, including Sacred places, posited that the passages are where the Sacred manifests. During life transitions, one turns to this power and aims to harness it, with the pivotal moments being primarily birth and death. The significance in life does not lie in the events themselves but in the rites of passage; while birth is crucial, the birth ceremony is equally vital for the Religious life, as without it, there is no birth. This holds true for marriage, illness, the start and conclusion of journeys, the commencement and cessation of wars, and in death and burial—all serve as points where power intersects with life. Power unveils itself in changes, yet to be integrated into a person, religious rituals are essential. The principal religious rituals involve purification, symbolic death, and rebirth, reflecting the core of transitions. Thus, every moment is essentially a rebirth, and the fundamental theme of religious life is transitions[41].

A Charismatic Sacred place is a place where people undergo a process, experiencing both physical and mental transitions. This is supported by quantitative studies: according to Noga Collins-Kreiner’s research on visits to Jewish Sacred sites, focusing on the graves of Tsaddikim[42], 35% of the visitors to the tomb of Rabbi Meir Baal Haness spend more than an hour at the site. This high percentage indicates that many visitors are experiencing some kind of significant process there. Collins-Kreiner notes that only 22% of the visitors are ultra-Orthodox, 29% are religious, 8% are non-Jews (a notably high percentage), and nearly half of the visitors are not religious. The tomb’s fame among the non-religious contributes to this diversity. These figures stand in contrast to those for the nearby Rambam’s tomb, which also attracts a similar number of visitors but with different compositions and durations of stay.

The inevitable conclusion is that, thanks to the existence of Sacredness Generators in the tomb of Rabbi Meir Baal Haness, it has become Charismatic and consequently attracts diverse populations. Because of its location, the view of its surroundings, the shape of its structure, the accessibility, and the story related to it (a miracle), it succeeds in breaking the amorphous and homogenous undifferentiated mundane existence, and creates in its visitors, who are familiar with the story of the miracle and the prayer, a feeling and experience of the Sacred. This is expressed in the length of their stay[43].

Another Charismatic Sacred place where there are saints is the Rashbi’s tomb in Meron. Various customs have been associated with the Rashbi’s tomb, including the Halaka ceremony, the first haircut for three-year-old children. Some of them have developed over the years, for example drinking water from the springs in the vicinity and prostrating on the grave to cure various ailments. Many kabbalists come to the place for communion, sanctification and inspiration, and one should not be impressed by the relative number in percentages, because what determines in this case is the absolute number in relation to the whole audience, which is large in itself. Chassidim hold long periods of communion, prayers, dances and baptisms at the place and in the forests around it, and you can even hear the Chassidim of Breslev shouting to the trees themselves

Another Jewish Charismatic Sacred place is Rashbi’s tomb in Meron. Various customs are associated with this site, including the Halaka ceremony, the first haircut for three-year-old children. Over the years, some practices have developed, such as drinking water from the nearby springs and prostrating on the grave to heal various ailments. Many kabbalists visit this place for communion, sanctification, and inspiration. Many Chassidim visit the place and engage in prolonged periods of communion, prayers, dances, and baptisms at the site and in the surrounding forests, where one can even hear the Breslev Chassidim shouting to the trees.

According to the Collins-Kreiner report, this tomb is the most visited in Israel and the largest among the Tsaddikim tombs. The site manager estimates it receives two million visitors a year. A significant number of these visitors—43%—stay for over an hour, a very high rate, indicating a deep engagement with the site. The proportion of secular visitors is notably high at 63%, and tourists make up 3%, also a relatively high percentage considering the total number of visitors. Additionally, a large segment of the visitors are highly educated (31%) and from a medium or higher socio-economic background (35%), which is more than at any other similar site. In contrast, the number of ultra-Orthodox visitors is relatively small, only accounting for 5%.

It can be inferred that for some visitors, the motivation behind visiting Tsaddikim Tombs is to seek an experience of the Sacred. This experience can vary in accessibility depending on the site’s layout, the story associated with it, its location, and other factors that contribute to a sense of the Sacred; some places facilitate this more than others. According to Collins-Kreiner, over 30% of the Israeli Jewish population has visited Tsaddikim Tombs since 1999, including those who are drawn by spiritual reasons that are not necessarily religious. The majority of visitors (63%) choose a specific Tsaddik Tomb to visit. The most common group size is between two to five people (44%), while 14% visit alone, allowing for a personal and spontaneous process. Interestingly, most visitors (64%) do not come on the celebration day of the Tsaddik buried there, but on a date they personally select. Although the majority (63%) specifically travel to the Tomb, they often combine the visit with trips to other locations as well (a quarter of them visit the other Tsaddiks Tombs).

The survey reveals that the motives for visiting Tsaddikim Tombs range from simple curiosity and interest to a deeper search for meaning. These motives place visitors on a continuum, with touristic curiosity at one end and the pursuit of faith and spirituality at the other. The development of these sites in recent years aligns with an increased interest in spirituality, the rise of “New Age” culture, and the growing popularity of Jewish mysticism.

One of the expressions of the Sacred in Hasidic Kabbalistic thought is the concept of a Tsaddik, who is seen as the foundation of the world (Proverbs 10:25), or in terms of religious science—Tsaddik embodies the center of the world. Consequently, his grave is also regarded as the axis mundi, a place where the act of creation is renewed and where we return to a primordial time[44]. The purpose of pilgrimages to Tsaddikim Tombs and the culture that develops around them is to experience the Sacred. The presence of Sacredness Generators at specific sites, such as the tomb of Rabbi Meir Baal Haness or the tomb of the Rashbi, facilitates this profound encounter.

Collins-Kreiner’s research also extends to visits to Christian Sacred sites[45], some of which are included in this study. According to her findings, 86% of Catholics and 89% of Protestants visit Christian sites like the Church of the Sepulcher and the Church of Mount Tabor primarily for religious and spiritual reasons. Most have long aspired to come to Israel, driven by deep-seated motives. For a fifth of these visitors, their journey is linked to fulfilling a vow. Furthermore, 22% of Catholics and 15% of Protestants anticipate a spiritual experience at these Sacred sites. The pilgrimage to Israel represents a journey pursued for religious reasons, which is twofold: outwardly, it aims at reaching a Sacred destination that is both new and different; inwardly, it seeks an inner religious experience that fosters spiritual growth and deeper understanding.[46].

Collins-Kreiner’s research highlights that some Christian sites facilitate spiritual experiences more readily than others due to their supportive environment. In her random survey of visitors to the Church of the Sepulchre, she found that people tend to spend more time there compared to a regular church. This extended stay likely reflects the site’s importance and complexity, but it also underscores that the duration spent at a Sacred place is critical for experiencing the Sacred. During this time, visitors are influenced by the Sacredness Generators present, allowing for an internal religious process that might include spontaneous prayer, moments of silence, deep reflection, and the physical opportunity to explore the entire site, including moving between different areas within the Sacred space.

The process of visiting a Charismatic Sacred place can facilitate a perceptual change, allowing some visitors to experience the Sacred, but this transformation requires time. The extended duration of stay at such sites makes this possible. This phenomenon is not exclusive to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher; other Charismatic Sacred places also witness longer visit durations. Sites like the Western Wall Square, the Church on Mount Tabor, the Baha’i Gardens in Acre, and Nebi Shuayeb typically see visitors spending more time than they would at less significant locations. This extended stay is crucial for visitors to fully engage with the Sacred atmosphere and undergo a meaningful spiritual experience.

Indeed, while time is crucial, it alone is not sufficient for experiencing the Sacred deeply. A compelling reason for visiting the Sacred place also plays a vital role. When a person visits out of a genuine need, such as a search for repentance, it enhances their connection to the Sacred. The theories of religious conversion[47] suggest that individuals have a system of beliefs that can sometimes become imbalanced. In such cases, marginal goals may unexpectedly become primary, indicating that a crisis might be necessary to facilitate a fresh start. Thus, a person who visits a Sacred place in a state of need is ideally positioned to encounter the Numen, potentially finding the answers they seek during their visit. This alignment between personal need and the Sacred environment can foster a profound spiritual experience.

According to Eliade, the religious person tends to transform every act into a sacrifice that sanctifies mythical time[48]. Thus, the sanctification of a place is manifested through acts of worship and rituals, with the offering of a sacrifice being the most significant archetype. This underscores the importance of sacrificial acts in temples in ancient times. However, in contemporary times, these sacrifices are viewed as abstract and have been supplanted by prayer and rituals. As a result, a person must sacrifice a part of himself, his old self, to be reborn; this requires actions of prayer, consecration, appeal, and dialogue. A characteristic of Charismatic Sacred places is that they facilitate this activities, although in a spontaneous way.

The hierophany of the Sacred in a Sacred place necessitates regular maintenance, achieved through prayers, rituals, and importantly, the openness and vulnerability of those visiting. By consecrating the area, the essence of the place is realized, followed by a repetition of the divine sacrifice which affirms the act of construction through the visit. The building ritual mirrors the cosmogenic act, and the sacrifice animates the place through the visitor’s engagement. Nothing can endure if it has not been animated, if it has not been consecrated with a soul sacrifice. The archetype of the construction ritual is the sacrifice made at the foundation of the world, a consecration that has been reiterated since[49].

According to Eliade, through the repetition of the initial act of sacrifice (worship), the secular time that marks the duration of history is annulled, leading to a return to the time before time. In the process of sanctifying a place, the rituals performed and some form of sacrifice are crucial. However, as I understand it, this can also include the “sacrifice of the heart”—dedication, promise, renunciation, and prayer. On a deeper level, the “sacrifice” involves directing one’s attention to the place and momentarily surrendering the ego.

The process of visiting a Charismatic Sacred place involves reaching the edge, approaching a certain limit, and transitioning to a different kind of experience. Anthropologist Victor Turner suggested that visiting a Sacred place necessitates a pilgrimage that takes a person to the margins (Liminal state)[50]. Turner emphasized that a Sacred place requires silence but also involves an element of boundary-breaking, offering a sense of an edge—the end of one road and the beginning of another, thus situating it in the margins. However, from my understanding, these margins are not solely physical but are primarily internal and mental. Therefore, a Sacred place does not need to be located outside of settlement centers. The “liminality” of the Sacred is less about geographical location and more about an individual reaching his mental limit and opening up to new possibilities. This liminal state is an internal process that transitions us from the profane to the Sacred[51].

Being situated on the edge means that a Sacred place acts as a Sacred threshold, which implies several things. First, because the Sacred place is positioned at the edge, it naturally becomes a focal point, establishing a center of reference. Second, if the Sacred place is at the “edge,” reaching it requires a (heroic) journey. Third, the positioning at the edge inevitably raises questions about what lies beyond. This unknown can only be explored after undergoing the process of transitioning from the profane to the Sacred.

According to Eliade, the Sacred place is considered the center of the world, but he also posits that this center—the axis mundi—is not necessarily a physical location but is connected to an internal process. This process involves reaching the deep, sensitive, and sometimes emotional areas within an individual. When this occurs, the Charismatic Sacred place responds, and the Sacred manifests, assisting in resolving any problems and leading the person to a new and positive state. The impact of this experience can be profound, lasting many months or even years.

It can be observed that Victor Turner’s conception of the Sacred place as a marginal or liminal space does not contradict but rather complements Mircea Eliade’s idea of a Sacred place as the center of the world. Both scholars discuss a similar theme: the transformative process that occurs during the encounter between a person and the Sacred place. This experience of the Sacred serves as a conduit, connecting the individual to another plane of existence.

Footnotes

[1] David Hay, Religious Experience Today: Studying the Facts, London: Mowbray, 1990, cited in Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behaviour, Belief and Experience, p. 80

[2] Maslow, Religions, Values, and Peak-Experiences, Columbus, p. 12

[3] Ibid p. 66

[4] Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behavior, Belief and Experience, p. 76

[5] David Hay, Exploring Inner Space: Is God still possible in the twentieth century? Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1982, cited in Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behavior, Belief and Experience, p. 76

[6] Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behaviour, Belief and Experience, p. 96

[7] Ibid p. 91

[8] Ralph W. Hood, “Psychological Strength and the Report of Intense Religious Experience”, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 13 (1974), pp. 65-71

[9] ג’יימס, החוויה הדתית לסוגיה, עמ’ 143.

[10] C. Daniel Batson, Patricia Schoenrade, W. Larry Ventis, Religion and the Individual: A Social-Psychological Perspective, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993, p. 112; The suppression-sensitivity scale ranks people in terms of the types of defence mechanisms employed to reduce anxiety.

[11] Robert Wuthnow, Experimentation in American Religion: The New Mysticisms and Their Implications for the Churches, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978, pp. 99-114

[12] Maslow, Religions, Values, and Peak-Experiences, p. 39

[13] David Hay and Gordon Heald, “Religion is good for you”, New Society, 17 April 1987

Cited in Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behavior, Belief and Experience, p. 79

[14] Greeley, Religion: A Secular Theory, p. 80

[15] David Hay and Gordon Heald, “Religion is good for you”, New Society, 17 April 1987
Cited in Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behavior, Belief and Experience, p. 79

[16] Maslow, Religions, Values, and Peak-Experiences, p. 41

[17] David Hay and Gordon Heald, “Religion is good for you”, New Society, 17 April 1987

Cited in Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behaviour, Belief and Experience, p. 79

[18] Eliade, The Sacred and The Profane, p. 207

[19] Ibid

[20] Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behaviour, Belief and Experience, p. 95

[21] Ibid p. 96

[22] אוטו, הקדוּשה, עמ’ 10.

[23] Greeley, The Sociology of the Paranormal, p. 65

[24] ג’יימס, החוויה הדתית לסוגיה, עמ’ 253.

[25] Paul Ekman, “Basic Emotions”, in: Tim Dalgleish and Michael J. Power (eds.), Handbook of Cognition and Emotion, Chichester, England: Wiley, 1999, p. 51

[26] Joan Symington and Neville Symington, The Clinical Thinking of Wilfred Bion, London and New York: Routledge, 2002, p. 53

[27] Ibid p. 51

[28] Ibid p. 53

[29] Barrie, The Sacred In-Between, p. 19

[30] Corbett, The Religious Function of the Psyche, p. 20

[31] Silvan S. Tomkins, Affect, Imagery, Consciousness, New York: Springer Pub., 1963, Vol. 1, p. 6

[32] Corbett, The Religious Function of the Psyche, p. 20

[33] אליאדה, תבניות בדת השוואתית, 222

[34] אליאדה, המיתוס של השיבה הנצחית, עמ’ 55.

[35] קמפבל, הגיבור בעל אלף הפנים, עמ’ 55.

[36] Gerardus Van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014, p. 169

[37] Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behavior, Belief and Experience, p. 51

[38] Arnold Van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, tr. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee, Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1960, p. 11

[39] Eliade, The Quest, p. 1

[40] Maslow, Religions, Values, and Peak-Experiences, pp. 63-65

[41] Van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation, p. 192

[42] Collins-Kreiner conducted extensive research for the Ministry of Tourism, which included detailed information on the nature of visiting Jewish religious sites. Among other sites, the tomb of Rabbi Meir Baal Haness in Tiberias and the tomb of Rashbi in Meron were examined in great detail. See Footnote 2.

[43] It’s possible that some people staying in the complex do so for reasons unrelated to religious activities, such as having a picnic, but these individuals do not represent one third of the visitors. The majority are using their time there for religious purposes.

[44] Arthur Green, “The Ẓaddiq as Axis Mundi in Later Judaism”, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 45 (1977), pp. 327-347

[45] See Footnote 2

[46] Noga Collins-Kreiner et al. (eds.), Christian Tourism to the Holy Land: Pilgrimage during Security Crisis, Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2006, p. 67

[47] James, The Varieties of Religious Experience, p. 189

[48] אליאדה, תבניות בדת השוואתית, עמ’ 211.

[49] אליאדה, המיתוס של השיבה הנצחית, עמ’ 25.

[50] ויקטור טרנר, “עליות לרגל כתהליכים חברתיים”, בתוך: אורה לימור ואלחנן ריינר (עורכים), עלייה לרגל: יהודים, נוצרים, מוסלמים, רעננה: האוניברסיטה הפתוחה, 2005, עמ’ 25.

[51] Ibid P. 32

Bibliography

Barrie, Thomas, The Sacred In-Between: The Mediating Roles of Architecture, Abingdon: Routledge, 2010.

Batson, C. Daniel, Patricia Schoenrade, W. Larry Ventis, Religion and the Individual: A Social-Psychological Perspective, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin, and Michael Argyle, The Psychology of Religious Behavior, Belief and Experience, London: Routledge, 1997.

Collins-Kreiner, Noga, et al. (eds.), Christian Tourism to the Holy Land: Pilgrimage during Security Crisis, Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2006.

Corbett, Lionel, The Religious Function of the Psyche, London: Routledge, 1996.

Ekman, Paul, “Basic Emotions”, in: Tim Dalgleish and Michael J. Power (eds.), Handbook of Cognition and Emotion, Chichester, England: Wiley, 1999, pp. 45-60.

Eliade, Mircea, The Quest: History and Meaning in Religion, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1969.

———-, The Sacred and The Profane: The Nature of Religion, tr. Willard R. Trask, New York: Harcourt, 1959.

———-, Patterns in Comparative Religion, tr. Rosemary Sheed, London and New York: Sheed and Ward, 1958.

Greeley, Andrew M., Religion: A Secular Theory, New York: Free Press, 1982.

———-, The Sociology of the Paranormal: A Reconnaissance, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1975.

Green, Arthur, “The Ẓaddiq as Axis Mundi in Later Judaism”, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 45 (1977), pp. 327-347.

Hay, David, Religious Experience Today: Studying the Facts, London: Mowbray, 1990.

Hood, Ralph W., “Psychological Strength and the Report of Intense Religious Experience”, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 13 (1974), pp. 65-71.

James, William, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1902.

Maslow, Abraham H., Religions, Values, and Peak-Experiences, Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1964.

Symington, Joan, and Neville Symington, The Clinical Thinking of Wilfred Bion, London and New York: Routledge, 2002.

Tomkins, Silvan S., Affect, Imagery, Consciousness, vols. I-III, New York: Springer Pub., 1962-1991.

Van der Leeuw, Gerardus, Religion in Essence and Manifestation, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014.

Van Gennep, Arnold, The Rites of Passage, tr. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee, Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1960.

Wuthnow, Robert, Experimentation in American Religion: The New Mysticisms and Their Implications for the Churches, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978.

אוטו, רודולף, הקדושה: על הלא־רציונלי באידיאת האל ויחסו לרציונלי, תרגמה: מרים רון, תל־אביב: כרמל, 1999.

אליאדה, מירצ’ה, תבניות בדת השוואתית, תרגם: יותם ראובני, תל־אביב: נמרוד, 2003.

———-, תולדות האמונות והרעיונות הדתיים, 3 כרכים, תרגם: יותם ראובני, תל־אביב: נמרוד, תשס”א.

———-, המיתוס של השיבה הנצחית: ארכיטיפים וחזרה, תרגם: יותם ראובני, ירושלים: כרמל, תש”ס.

ג’יימס, ויליאם, החוויה הדתית לסוגיה: מחקר בטבע האדם, תרגם: יעקב קופליביץ, מהדורה שנייה, ירושלים: מוסד ביאליק. 1959.

טרנר, ויקטור, “עליות לרגל כתהליכים חברתיים”, בתוך: אורה לימור ואלחנן ריינר (עורכים), עלייה לרגל: יהודים, נוצרים, מוסלמים, רעננה: האוניברסיטה הפתוחה, 2005, עמ’ 64-19.

קולינס־קריינר, נגה, המאפיינים והפוטנציאל התיירותי של עלייה לרגל לקברי צדיקים, דוח סופי מוגש למשרד התיירות, חיפה: אוניברסיטת חיפה, 2006.

———-, “תיירות עלייה לרגל לישראל: מאפיינים של עולי רגל ושל עולי רגל־תיירים נוצרים בגליל”, אופקים בגאוגרפיה 52 (2000), עמ’ 69-55.

קמפבל, ג’וזף, הגיבור בעל אלף הפנים, תרגום: שלומית כנען, תל־אביב: בבל, 2013.