This is a rudimentary translation of articles from my book “Goddess Culture in Israel“. While it is far from ideal, it serves a purpose given the significance of the topic and the distinctiveness of the information contained. I have chosen to publish it in its current state, with the hope that a more refined translation will be available in the future.

The third phase of the Goddess culture

The Goddess culture spanned approximately 6,000 years, evolving through distinct phases. Initially, during its early beginnings, which endured for 2500 years, foundational beliefs and practices emerged. Following this, the zenith of the civilization unfolded over 2000 years, characterized by the flourishing of large village societies such as Shaar Hagolan. The final phase, spanning 1000 to 1500 years (depending on the region), marked a significant transition. Humans began utilizing copper, sparking profound developments in both lifestyle and belief systems. During this period, known in archaeology as the Chalcolithic era (from “chalco,” meaning copper, and “lithos,” meaning stone), societies witnessed the construction of megalithic complexes dedicated to harnessing the Earth’s energy. Additionally, advancements in agriculture led to the cultivation of secondary products. The Chalcolithic period is typically dated from around 4,500 BC to 3,500 BC or 3,000 BC, varying according to geographical location.

During the Chalcolithic period, there was a remarkable surge in artistic expression, religious beliefs, settlement expansion, and agricultural innovations. This flourishing era was marked by the construction and consecration of megalithic sites, symbolizing profound spiritual connections with the Earth. As populations expanded, the need for new social structures arose, leading to the establishment of large communal sanctified complexes. These sites served as focal points for community gatherings, religious ceremonies, and cultural exchange, reflecting the growing complexity of Chalcolithic societies.

Humans acquired the knowledge of utilizing furnaces capable of reaching high temperatures, enabling them to smelt copper and advance pottery craftsmanship. Additionally, they developed techniques to derive secondary products from agricultural yields. Milk was transformed into cheese, contributing to a more balanced diet over time, as evidenced by examinations of skeletal remains from that era, which revealed elevated levels of calcium compared to earlier periods. The textile industry underwent significant growth, with people mastering the use of weaving looms to produce clothing from wool. Agricultural practices expanded to include the cultivation of vines, dates, and other novel crops, thereby enhancing dietary diversity. Cultivation of olives also emerged, leading to the extraction of oil, which served as a source of illumination for households. Moreover, humans domesticated the donkey and the ox, utilizing them as labor forces for tasks such as plowing and transportation, thereby facilitating agricultural and societal advancements.

In essence, a technological revolution unfolded across various aspects of life during this period. Simultaneously, significant developments occurred in religious ideologies and practices. Burial customs underwent transformation, with the emergence of distinct temples located in remote areas rather than within settlements. Notably, three such temples were discovered: Ein Gedi, Teleilat Ghassul in Jordan, and Gilat in the Negev, serving as sacred complexes and pilgrimage centers. In Israel, this era marked the age of Megaliths, a topic I will delve into further later. Humans constructed stone circles, standing stone complexes, dolmens, and tumuli, while also erecting stone walls and creating mounds of stone and earth in sacred sites.

Numerous sites dating back to the third phase of the Goddess culture, known as the Chalcolithic period, have been unearthed in Israel. These include locations in the Dead Sea region such as Ein Gedi and Teleilat Ghassul, as well as sites in the Beer Sheva Valley (Shekmim), the Jordan Valley (Tel Tao), the Golan Heights, and beyond. Typically, these settlements exhibit a common pattern: a central large settlement sprawling over dozens, and sometimes hundreds, of dunams, surrounded by smaller satellite settlements. This settlement model is often interpreted as indicative of an advanced regional organizational structure, reflecting the sophistication and complexity of Chalcolithic society in the region.

Deer’s in Marj Rabah and Kfar Hahoresh

In the Lower Galilee, an important Chalcolithic site called Maraj Rabbah, situated in the mountains above Yodfat, recently underwent excavation, yielding significant discoveries shedding light on the religious beliefs of the time. Archaeologist Yorke Rowan, who led the excavation, noted the profound symbolic significance of deer’s for the inhabitants of that era [1], as evidenced by the abundance of their remains at the site. These animals were perceived as embodying the transitional state between life and death due to their nimbleness and ability to evade capture. Consequently, the discovery of numerous burnt deer legs alongside the remains of two male human feet within a room holds religious importance. One possible interpretation of these findings is that humans sought to acquire the agility of deer, a motif akin to the Sumerian legend of Dumuzi, wherein the deity strives to evade death. It is speculated that the site may have functioned as a temple where rites of passage were conducted, underscoring the liminality of existence and the quest for transcendence beyond mortal confines.

Rowan suggests that during the Chalcolithic period, hunting declined in prominence while worship and ceremonial activities intensified, leading to the deer acquiring symbolic significance. This symbolism is evident in wall paintings discovered at Teleilat Ghassul, where deer are depicted alongside figures wearing owl-faced masks. Additionally, Deer antlers are also found in the sacred center of Gilat and other locations, further emphasizing their religious importance. Interestingly, deer antlers adorn many of the copper rods and crowns discovered in Nahal Mishmar, highlighting their widespread symbolic association with spiritual and ceremonial practices during the Chalcolithic period.

The ancient symbolization of the liminal and dual aspect of the Goddess, bridging various realms and embodying both birth and death, often featured horns, as discussed in the chapter on representations of the Goddess. Furthermore, at the Temple of the Leopards in the Negev, a gazelle is depicted amidst the leopards, with their tails possibly serving as symbolic representations of horns, further exemplifying the enduring significance of this imagery.

Rowan posits that during the third phase of the Goddess culture, individuals were preoccupied with the concept of life after death, aspiring towards eternal life. This is reflected in the abundance of burial caves discovered on the coastal plain, such as those found in Hadera, and in the western regions of Israel, with no such findings in the eastern parts of the country. Rowan hypothesizes that this spatial distribution may be attributed to the proximity to the sea and its association with the sunset in the west, which symbolized death, akin to ancient Egyptian beliefs. Notably, the site of Yodfat offers a vantage point overlooking the sunset into the sea, making it conducive for conducting rites of passage to the realm beyond.

The Goddess was often depicted as the tree of life, with deer and ibexes approaching the tree in various representations. In the earliest depictions of Asherah, the Canaanite Goddess, deer are shown gathering around a tree. This noble and sensitive animal became the messenger of the Goddess’s wisdom, leading to its depiction in rock paintings and sacred sites worldwide, including Israel, from the Temple of the Leopards in the Negev to Marj Rabbah in the Galilee. It is also plausible that the deer served as a “spirit animal,” utilized in shamanic rituals, as suggested by Williams [2]. This underscores the profound spiritual significance attributed to the deer across different cultures and religious traditions.

Visiting the Marj Rabbah site requires some effort, as it is not extensively organized for visitors. However, with determination, it can be located. While there may not be many visible artifacts at the site apart from excavation remnants, the panoramic view from Mount Shabi, where the site is situated, is truly remarkable. To access the site, one can park their vehicle near Moshav Yodfat and then cross the road. From there, the site is located approximately 300 meters to the north.

The symbolism of deer emerges early in the Goddess culture. Near Kfar Horesh, a significant burial and cult site dating back 10,000 years was unearthed during excavations. Williams suggests that within one burial pit, human and deer bones were arranged in a manner resembling the outline of a deer when viewed from above. Furthermore, beneath a plaster floor, a pit yielded a hollowed-out covered human skull, now housed in the Israel Museum, along with the remains of a deer’s body. This discovery suggests a symbolic representation of a human with a deer’s body.

The combination of a human with an animal carries profound implications, suggesting the presence of shamanic traditions among the prehistoric inhabitants of Israel. This includes the practice of entering trance states wherein animal spirits were utilized for astral travel. If this interpretation holds true, then the inclusion of animal bones in the graves, such as those of a deer, wild ox, and pig discovered in Kfar Hahoresh, does not merely indicate a sacrificial offering. Instead, it suggests that the individuals interred in these graves were shamans who viewed death as a gateway to the realms beyond. They likely engaged in rituals that facilitated their journey to these otherworldly realms while still alive.

Williams suggests that the initial domestication of oxen in the Middle East stemmed from the treatment of the wild ox as a spirit animal utilized by shamans during their trance journeys. This parallels the use of the jaguar as a spirit animal among shamans in the Amazon jungles. The primary motive behind domesticating the bull, and possibly other animals, was spiritual rather than economic. Domestication was initially about forging a connection with the spirit of the animal, with its economic potential as a labor force and a food source only realized later. As a result, bulls, particularly their horns, feature prominently in significant Goddess culture settlements worldwide, such as Çatalhöyük in Turkey. These settlements existed in places and times where pastoral farming or plowing fields with oxen had not yet been established. Similarly, in Israel, sites like Kfar Hahoresh contain wild bull bones in human graves. Notably, at Yiftahel, the horn of a wild bull was discovered in a man’s grave, possibly indicating the burial of a shaman.

New settlements in the Golan

In the 1970s, archaeologist Keller Epstein made a significant discovery by uncovering 25 settlements dating back to the Chalcolithic period in the central region of the Golan. Today, our knowledge has expanded, revealing approximately 200 such villages, with ongoing discoveries continuing to enrich our understanding. What stood out in these settlements was the uniformity in house size and architectural layout. Across all villages, houses were consistently rectangular in shape and attached along their wider sides, forming rows or “trains” of houses. Each village comprised several of these “trains,” totaling a few dozen houses. Archaeologists believe that each rectangular house accommodated a nuclear family, and the row of houses served as the focal point for larger family units. As families expanded within the clan, additional houses were added to the existing rows. The uniformity observed in house size and layout reflects an underlying principle of economic and social equality, characteristic of the Goddess culture prevalent during the Chalcolithic period.

Not all villages and houses from that period adhered to the same architectural style. For instance, at Tel Tao, located in the southeast of the Hula Valley, archaeologists uncovered a sizable settlement characterized by large houses surrounding an inner courtyard, each containing multiple rooms. Remarkably, these houses bear resemblance to those found at Shaar Hagolan, indicating a potential cultural continuity between the sites. According to archaeological interpretations, each room within these houses at Tel Tao was occupied by a nuclear family, while the entire house served as the residence of the larger family unit. In both instances, it is evident that society was organized around the concept of extended families and clans. An intriguing question arises regarding the leadership of these clans: was it led by a man, as commonly observed in contemporary society, or by a woman?

The settlements in the Golan Heights were founded near fertile pockets of land suitable for agriculture. These lands were characterized by seasonal flooding in winter, which retained moisture during the summer months. However, due to the rugged terrain, intensive cultivation of large areas was not feasible, necessitating small-scale agricultural practices. Residents of these settlements primarily cultivated grains such as wheat, peas, lentils, and chickpeas. An emerging and significant crop was olives, representing a new addition to their agricultural repertoire. Archaeologists have uncovered tools associated with olive oil extraction, underscoring the importance of this crop in the region’s economy and daily life.

The settlements lacked defensive structures such as walls and were not strategically positioned, suggesting a period of peace without warfare. The uniform size of houses and layout of villages imply a lack of distinctions in property and social status, indicating a communal and egalitarian society—a hallmark of Goddess cultures globally. According to Epstein, the settlements in the Golan Heights endured for approximately 300 years, spanning the late 5th millennium BC to the early 4th millennium BC. However, they were abruptly abandoned without any evident cause or signs of destruction.

In the villages of the Golan Heights, archaeologists discovered short and thick basalt pillars adorned with human-like faces, featuring particularly prominent noses and sometimes eyes, ears, and horns. These pillars often supported flat bowls on top, likely used for burning incense, a ritual associated with the female deity of vegetation. Additionally, there were pillars resembling statues with beards, interpreted by Epstein as symbols of the God of the flock and pasture. Conversely, statues without beards, presumably representing women, symbolized the Goddess. Alongside these pillars, ritual vessels in the form of bowls mounted on narrow raised legs with windows were unearthed. These vessels were likely used for burning incense, with the windows allowing for the placement of candles or oil lamps underneath the bowls.

According to Michael Freikman, the pillars – statues are believed to represent the spirits of the deceased, hence their individualized features such as beards. In his view, a prominent desire of the people during the Chalcolithic period was to establish contact with their deceased relatives, integrating them into the realm of the living. The only consistent feature across all the statues is the bowl atop their heads, which was utilized for placing food offerings for the departed..

The jars unearthed in the Golan villages exhibit decorative elements, indicative of a refined aesthetic sensibility. Engraved onto their surfaces are symbols such as chevrons, waves, and horizontal stripes—all associated with the Goddess. These jars served as containers for grains and seeds and, akin to villages in other Goddess cultures worldwide, were adorned with Goddess symbols to invoke her protection. Notably, one jar even featured molded horn shapes, further emphasizing the reverence for the Goddess and her symbols within these communities.

The most significant site excavated by Epstein, which remains accessible for visitation today, is Rasem Harbush, situated at the entrance to the Yonatan settlement. Visiting this site is convenient, with an informative sign at the entrance providing context, and a path leading to a short route between the houses, allowing visitors to explore the remains firsthand.

In the first house nearest to the sign, there is a dolmen positioned adjacent to the house. According to Epstein, this dolmen was constructed later and is associated with nomadic peoples who inhabited the Golan Heights 4,000 years ago, and the fact that it is situated “on” the house supports this interpretation. However, Freikman’s research revealed that there are over 90 houses in the Golan Heights with a dolmen located near or adjacent to them, suggesting that this is not merely coincidental but rather a deliberate architectural design, and that these dolmens were erected at the same time as the houses. In Freikman’s view, a significant portion of the dolmens in the Golan Heights date back to the Chalcolithic period. His dating supports the existence of a Goddess culture, which emphasized a connection between the world of the living and the dead. Consequently, the practice of burying the dead near or beneath the house aligns with this tradition. The dolmen, integrated into the house structure, serves as a testament to the beliefs held by its residents.

Freikman suggests that the Rujum Hiri stone circle itself, which I’ll explore in more detail later, dates back to the Chalcolithic period, with villages like Rasem Harbush supplying the labor for its construction. He discovered that within a 5 km radius from Rujum, there are no fewer than 50 settlements from the Chalcolithic era, a level of intensive settlement unique to this period alone. Given the absence of labor camps nearby, the only plausible explanation is that the ancient inhabitants of the Golan at the time were the ones who built it.

Peki’in Burial Cave

In a cave near the settlement of Peki’in in the Upper Galilee, numerous burial ossuaries dating from the late Goddess culture era were discovered. An ossuary, typically a small box measuring up to a meter in length, served as a vessel for the secondary burial of the deceased’s bones. This practice of relocating the remains from the original grave, disarticulating the bones, and placing them within a pottery or stone ossuary, often resembling a miniature house, reflects a shift in religious beliefs and a nuanced understanding of the afterlife during the final phase of the Goddess culture. During this period, there emerged a custom of burying individuals outside of their residential areas, often in secluded locations deemed sacred. This separation of the realm of the dead from the realm of the living marked a significant departure from earlier burial practices.

The practice of secondary burial in ossuaries became widespread across the region, with the deceased being transferred to subterranean caves where available, or to structures designed to mimic cave-like environments. The ossuaries discovered in Peki’in are notable for their ornate decorations and symbols. They feature a gabled lid, often adorned with reliefs, and at the front, there is a tablet bearing a representation of a human face—either male or female—with a distinctive nose. In some instances, a three-dimensional, spherical depiction of a human head is affixed to the lid, displaying intricate details such as a beard, nostrils, and earrings.

In the cave, numerous tall pottery burners, presumably utilized for burning incense, were uncovered, some of which displayed a prominent nose. Similar burners from the same era, such as those found in the Golan Heights, share this distinctive feature. It is probable that incense held a significant role in burial rituals, serving to forge a connection with the realm of the deceased. The prominent nose depicted on these burners likely symbolized the sense of smell, a crucial component of sensory perception. Notably, in ossuaries and cult objects from this period, the nose is often emphasized, contrasting with the emphasis on eyes seen in artifacts from the Yarmukian culture. Some speculate that this emphasis on the nose may symbolize the energetic connection between individuals and the earth. Additionally, it may be linked to the belief that life enters the body through the nose, a concept reflected in biblical references such as “breathed into his nostrils the breath of life.” The prominence of the nose suggests a growing belief in the soul existence.

Archaeologists discovered a few copper objects alongside an impressive assortment of ivory artifacts inside the cave, including figurines depicting humans. Notably, one innovation of the Chalcolithic period was the extensive production of ritual objects and ivory sculptures, depicting animals such as elephants or hippopotamuses, likely inhabitants of the swamps in the coastal plain. flint and pottery tools were discovered as well.

Peki’in Cave served as a regional cemetery, indicating a shift in the handling of the dead towards a communal approach towards the end of the Goddess culture. Previously, burial duties were typically carried out by nuclear families, who interred their deceased either beneath the house or in the yard. However, this responsibility seemed to have transitioned to a regional level. The cave yielded the remains of 450 individuals and 80 ossuaries, arranged on a paved area. Many of these discoveries are now housed in the Israel Museum. This shift towards cave burials could be interpreted as a symbolic return to the womb of the Goddess. It’s as if the caves, reminiscent of the habitats of hunter-gatherer ancestors, called humanity back to them.

Underground settlements in the Negev

In the Be’er Sheva Valley and along the Nahal Habeshor stream and its tributaries, archaeologists have unearthed large settlements dating back to the Chalcolithic period. Notable sites include Shikmim, Tzeelim, Bir Sfadi, Nevatim, Abu Matar, Horvat Hor, and Arad. Within these settlements, discoveries of basalt or ivory figurines depicting Goddesses have been made, including a notable artifact known as the Beer Sheva Venus. What sets these settlements apart is the discovery of an underground network of spaces beneath them, akin to an underground village. This subterranean system is a unique feature of these Chalcolithic settlements.

Located on the banks of one of the tributaries of Nahal Habeshor, the site of Shikmim boasts the largest settlement of its kind in the area. The inhabitants of this settlement were primarily farmers, utilizing oxen for sowing and potentially for cart transportation as well. Additionally, they were skilled in various crafts, engaged in sheep and cattle husbandry, and intriguingly, evidence suggests they may have been among the earliest practitioners of horse cultivation, predating the accepted historical timeline by approximately 2,000 years. According to conventional accounts, horses purportedly arrived in the region around 4,000 years ago with the arrival of the Hyksos in Egypt.

Beneath the stone houses of Shikmim lies an intriguing discovery: an underground network of dens, bell-shaped spaces, and rooms, with openings leading to the houses above ground. Inside these subterranean spaces, archaeologists unearthed basalt bowls, ivory statues, and jewelry, yet no signs of habitation were found. The chronology of construction raises questions: were the underground spaces built first, with the structures above ground added later, or were the houses constructed initially, with the underground spaces dug out subsequently for purposes such as food storage?

Such underground spaces are not uncommon in ancient civilizations, yet the purpose and function of the interconnected tunnels, the distinctive bell shape of some chambers, and their relationship with the houses above ground remain unclear. Some speculate that the tunnels served practical purposes such as storage or shelter, while others suggest they held ritual significance or were part of a complex architectural design.

Thom Levy, from the University of California, San Diego, conducted an in-depth study of the Shikmim site [4]. According to his analysis, the settlement was governed by leaders who wielded power through two primary means: control over agricultural yields and control over production facilities. This dual source of power mirrors patterns observed in both ancient and contemporary “primitive” societies. In some cases, tribal leaders derive authority from managing the storage and distribution of crops, leading to societal emphasis on feasts and food allocation. In contrast, other leaders derive power from overseeing production workshops, leading to a focus on valuable commodities and production resources, including metals.

The leaders of Shikmim consolidated their power through a combination of practices: they oversaw the storage of agricultural goods in the underground spaces beneath their houses while also controlling the production workshops. A significant aspect of the settlement’s economy was the manufacturing of copper vessels. The Be’er Sheva valley served as a hub for the smelting and production of copper, establishing a regional monopoly on copper production. Raw copper ore was sourced from Finan in the Arava region and transported to the Be’er Sheva Valley via donkeys. Research indicates that copper objects made from Finan copper have been discovered in the Delta region of Egypt. This suggests that the copper, mined in Finan or Timna, was processed and crafted into objects within the Be’er Sheva Valley before being exported to Egypt.

According to Levy’s research, the village of Shikmim spanned an extensive area of 240 dunams, with small rural settlements surrounding it. At the heart of the central site were opulent houses, each exceeding 100 square meters in size, likely belonging to the settlement’s leaders. Adjacent to these houses were areas dedicated to metal production. In the settlement’s cemetery, archaeologists discovered the remains of individuals with high concentrations of arsenic in their bones. These individuals were likely workers involved in the production of copper tools using the lost-wax technique. The discovery of copper vessels in the spaces beneath or near the grand houses suggests that both production and storage facilities were controlled by the leaders, consolidating their power and authority over the community.

According to Levy, the underground spaces beneath the Shikmim settlement primarily served as storage areas for crops, and they were intricately connected to the houses situated above them. Archaeologists uncovered various artifacts within these subterranean chambers, including a grinding stone, as well as items such as a figurine depicting a violin with a Human head, high-quality copper rods, and ivory objects. Intriguingly, these objects and figurines were exclusively found underground, suggesting that the spaces may have been utilized for religious or worship purposes. It is conceivable that these underground areas were excavated and utilized for worship practices, potentially serving a dual purpose of both religious observance and practical storage needs. In this context, the figurines and religious artifacts may have been perceived as guardians or protectors of the stored crops, imbuing them with symbolic power and significance.

The Shikmim stream lies on a spur of Nahal Beer Sheva, a tributary of Nahal Habeshor. North of the stream, stretching for about a kilometer, is a burial ground comprising hundreds of circular structures. Within each circle, numerous burials were discovered, some in ossuaries and others in simpler graves. According to Levy, this burial pattern indicates social stratification. Levy proposes that by the end of the Chalcolithic period, social distinctions began to emerge, leading to the establishment of a hierarchical social structure led by tribal leaders. He suggests that this transition marked a departure from the previously egalitarian values. While Levy’s interpretation may hold merit, it overlooks the religious dimension inherent within the Goddess culture.

Throughout the world, numerous underground cities exist, some of which are steeped in legend. Beneath the pyramid of Sakara in Egypt lies a vast underground labyrinth, with speculation surrounding the presence of an entire subterranean city beneath the pyramids in Giza. Tibetan folklore speaks of Shambhala, an underground city believed to safeguard ancient and secretive knowledge. Similarly, South America boasts legends and likely historical instances of underground cities, with evidence also suggesting their presence in regions like the United States and Central America. Not far from Rome, the Italian city of Orvieto boasts an impressive underground network dating back to the Etruscan era and possibly earlier. Legends persist in Glastonbury, England, of an underground city awaiting discovery, among others worldwide.

During the Goddess culture, many temples were constructed underground, such as the hypogeum in Malta, as it was believed to facilitate a connection with the energies of Mother Earth, akin to returning to the womb. Moreover, underground spaces offered protection from harmful radiations from the cosmos, a belief that led medieval alchemists to conduct their experiments in underground chambers. Ancient civilizations recognized three realms—heaven, earth, and an underground world, later identified as the underworld—suggesting that the excavation of spaces beneath settlements in the Negev was intertwined with religious beliefs. However, this did not contradict their practical function; rather, during the Goddess culture, practicality and spirituality were intertwined.

The copper objects unearthed in Shikmim fall into two categories: those crafted using basic copper smelting methods, and those fashioned through the intricate lost-wax technique, employing copper alloys infused with arsenic. Crafting copper items via the wax technique was notably more challenging. Despite this, certain axes were crafted using this method, suggesting that they held more social and religious significance than practical utility.

The mysterious departure of the ancient Negev settlers from their settlements and underground spaces, marked by the deliberate closure of openings, remains an enigma. Speculation abounds about the cause behind this event. Interestingly, their exquisite copper artifacts eventually found their way to the Ein Gedi Temple in the Judean desert, and subsequently to a cave in Nahal Mishmar.

The underground sites from the end of the Goddess period in the Negev are challenging to access. At best, one can visit the location of the settlements themselves, like Bir Abu Matar, situated in a public garden within the newer neighborhoods of Beer Sheva. However, the underground spaces have been sealed off, their entrances closed. Overall, the settlements in the Nahal Habeashor basin and the Be’er Sheva Valley were linked to the Ghassul culture present in Trans Jordan and the Jordan Valley around the Dead Sea.

Teleilat Ghassul

In an area known as Teleilat Ghassul, situated northeast of the Dead Sea within Jordanian territory, archaeologists uncovered a settlement regarded as one of the largest of its kind from the Chalcolithic period. Among the remarkable discoveries was a fresco painting adorning the walls of a house, featuring a prominent octagonal star accompanied by enigmatic figures donning masks, suggesting otherworldly visitors (as implied by the star symbol). The intricate drawings, executed in black and red hues, exhibit precision suggestive of tools like rulers and compasses. Additional paintings were unearthed in other dwellings, where layers of plaster revealed successive paintings, indicating that with each renovation, the walls were adorned anew.

All the structures uncovered at the site exhibited uniform size and interconnectedness, consistent with other settlements associated with Goddess worship. Notably, the enigmatic figures depicted in masks featured striking owl-like eyes, an animal often associated with the Goddess, suggesting that these may have represented shamans conducting rituals in reverence to the deity.

Evidently, Teleilat Ghassul served not only as a settlement but also as a revered pilgrimage destination. Within its confines, archaeologists unearthed a temple containing a renowned Goddess statue bearing a churn atop her head, alongside female figurines sculpted in the form of a schematic violin with triangular genitalia etched on their pelvic areas—a symbolic representation of the divine feminine. Remarkably, these violin figurines were crafted from stones sourced from distant locations, mirroring similar discoveries at the Gilat site in the Negev, where another Goddess figure bearing a churn and violin figurines made from exotic stones were found. The parallels in these findings suggest a cultural linkage between the two locales.

The resemblance to other settlements across the Land of Israel extends further. Underneath the floors of houses at Teleilat Ghassul and Bir a-Safadi in the Be’er Sheva Valley, figurines of pregnant women were discovered. Particularly notable among them are ivory figurines, including one known as the Venus of Be’er Sheva, depicting a pregnant woman with accentuated reproductive organs akin to those found at Teleilat Ghassul. Similar to the settlements in the Negev, the Teleilat Ghassul site was abandoned without any apparent signs of destruction.

The initial and most significant excavations at Teleilat Ghassul were conducted in the 1920s by researchers from the Pontifical Biblical Institute in Jerusalem. Today, artifacts from these excavations, including the renowned star painting, are showcased at the Institute House in Jerusalem (located on Emil Bota Street, near the King David Hotel), where a museum has been established. Additionally, a replica of the star painting is on display at the Israel Museum.

Fotenotes

[1] Price, M. D., Hill, A. C., Rowan, Y. M., & Kersel, M. M. (2016). Gazelles, Liminality, and Chalcolithic Ritual: A Case Study from Marj Rabba, Israel. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 376(1), 7-27

[2] Lewis-Williams, Inside the Neolithic mind. P. 100

[3] Freikman, Mike. “A near Eastern Megalithic monument in context”, 2012.

[4] Center, A. Chalcolithic Settlement. “Subterranean Negev Settlement.” NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC RESEARCH (Si EXPLORATION 7 (4) 394 (1991): 413